He knew, no doubt, that its acceptance meant a final goodbye to the cloister life he loved, and so he not only refused to accede to the prayers of his fellow-citizens but also wrote personally to the Emperor Mauricebegging him with all earnestness not to confirm the election. Germanus, prefect of the city, suppressed this letter, however, and sent instead of it the formal schedule of the election. As the plague still continued unabated, Gregory called upon the people to join in a vast sevenfold procession which was to start from each of the seven regions of the city and meet at the basilica of the Blessed Virgin, all praying the while for pardon and the withdrawal of the pestilence.
Michael was seen upon its summit in the act of sheathing his sword as a sign that the plague was over. The saint was terrified at the news and even meditated flight. He was seized, however, carried to the Basilica of St. Peter, and there consecrated pope on September 3, The story that Gregory actually fled the city and remained hidden in a forest for three days, when his whereabouts was revealed by a supernatural light, seems to be pure invention.
It appears for the first time in the Whitby life c. Still he never ceased to regret his elevation, and his later writings contain numberless expressions of strong feeling on this point. Fourteen years of life remained to Gregory, and into these he crowded work enough to have exhausted the energies of a lifetime. What makes his achievement more wonderful is his constant ill-health. He suffered almost continually from indigestion and, at intervals, from attacks of slow fever, while for the last half of his pontificate he was a martyr to gout.
His work as pope is of so varied a nature that it will be best to take it in sections, although this destroys any exact chronological sequence. The work, which regards the bishop preeminently as the physician of souls, is divided into four parts.
Moreover, it remained for centuries the textbook of the Catholic episcopate, so that by its influence the ideal of the great pope has moulded the character of the Churchand his spirit has spread into all lands. As pope Gregory still lived with monastic simplicity. One of his first acts was to banish all the lay attendants, pages, etc. There was now no magister militum living in Romeso the control even of military matters fell to the pope.
The corn thus distributed came chiefly from Sicily and was supplied by the estates of the Church. The temporal needs of his people being thus provided for, Gregory did not neglect their spiritual wants, and a large number of his sermons have come down to us. He met the clergy and people at some church previously agreed upon, and all together went in procession to the church of the station, where Mass was celebrated and the pope preached. These sermons, which drew immense crowds, are mostly simple, popular expositions of Scripture.
In July,Gregory held his first synod in St. Six decrees dealing with ecclesiastical discipline were passed, some of them merely confirming changes already made by the pope on his own authority. Beyond these and some few minor points it seems impossible to conclude with certainty what changes Gregory did make. By his day the estates of the Church had reached vast dimensions.
The land lay in many places Campania, AfricaSicilyand elsewhere—and, as their landlord, Gregory displayed a skill in finance and estate management which excites our admiration no less than it did the surprise of his tenants and agents, who suddenly found that they had a new master who was not to be deceived or cheated.
The management of each patrimony was carried out by a number of agents of varying grades and duties under an official called the rector or defensor of the patrimony.
Previously the rectors had usually been laymen, but Gregory established the custom of appointing ecclesiastics to the post. In doing this he probably had in view the many extra duties of an ecclesiastical nature which he called upon them to undertake. Thus examples may be found of such rectors being commissioned to undertake the filling up of vacant sees, holding of local synods, taking action against heretics, providing for the maintenance of churches and monasteries, rectifying abuses in the churches of their district, with the enforcing of ecclesiastical discipline and even the reproof and correction of local bishops.
Still Gregory never allowed the rectors to interfere in such matters on their own responsibility. He finds time to write instructions on every detail and leaves no complaint unattended to, even from the humblest of his multitude of tenants.
Throughout the large number of letters which deal with the management of the patrimony, the popes determination to secure a scrupulously righteous administration is evident. As bishop, he is the trustee of God and St. Peter, and his agents must show that they realize this by their conduct.
Consequently, under his able management the estates of the Church increased steadily in value, the tenants were contented, and the revenues paid in with regularity.
The only fault ever laid at his door in this matter is that, by his boundless charities, he emptied his treasury. But this, if a fault at all, was a natural consequence of his view that he was the administrator of the property of the poor, for whom he could never do enough.
As patriarchs of the West the popes exercise a special jurisdiction over and above their universal primacyas successors of St. Peter; and, among Westernchurches, this jurisdiction extends in a most intimatemanner over the churches of Italy and the islesadjacent.
On the mainland much of this territorywas now in the hands of the Lombards, with whose Arian clergy Gregory was, of course, not in communion. Whenever opportunity offered, however, hewas careful to provide for the needs of the faithful in these parts, frequently uniting them to some neighbouring diocese, when they were too few to occupythe energies of a bishop. On the islands, of which Sicily was by far the most important, the preexistingchurch system was maintained.
Gregory appointeda vicar, usually the metropolitan of the province, whoexercised a general supervision over the whole church. He also insisted strongly on the holding of local synodsas ordered by the Council of Nicaeaand letters of his exist addressed to bishops in SicilySardiniaand Gaul, reminding them of theirduties in this respect.
A large number of letters relate to the reforms instituted by the pope Epp. Hiscare over the election of a new bishop whenever a vacancy occurs is shown in manycases, and if, after his examination of the elect, which isalways a searching one, hefinds him unfitted for thepost, Dont Be Cruel - The Brotherhood Of St.
Gregory - Gregorian Chant - Elvis Presley (CD), he has no hesitationin rejecting him and commanding another to bechosen Epp. He was also inflexible with regard to the proper application of church revenues, insiting that others should of be as strict as be disposing of these funds for their proper ends Epp. Of the rights claimed or exercised by his predecessors he would not abate one tittle; on the contrary, he did everything in his power to maintain, strengthen, and extend what he regarded as the just prerogatives of the papacy.
It is true that he respected the privileges of the Western metropolitans, and disapproved of unnecessary interference within the sphere of their jurisdiction canoncally exercised. There cannot be the smallest doubt that Gregory claimed for the Apostolic Seeand for himself as pope, a primacy not of honor, but of supreme authority over the Church Universal.
In Epp. Peter, the pope had received from God a primacy over all Churches Epp. His approval it was which gave force to the decrees of councils or synods Epp. To him appeals might be made even against other patriarchs, and by him bishops were judged and corrected if need were Epp.
This position naturally made it impossible for him to permit the use of the title Ecumenical Bishop assumed by the Patriarch of ConstantinopleJohn the Fasterat a synod held in Gregory protested, and a long controversy followed, the question being still at issue when the pope died.
Why, both our most religious lord the emperor, and our brother the Bishop of Constantinople continually acknowledge it. With the other Oriental patriarchs his relations were most cordial, as appears from his letters to the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria.
With Agilulf and the Dukes Ariulf of Spoleto and Arichis of Benevento, Gregory soon had to deal, as, when difficulties arose, Romanus, the exarch, or representative, of the emperor, preferred to remain in sulky inactivity at Ravenna.
How keenly he felt the difficulty and danger of his position appears in some of the earliest letters Epp. At the same time Arichis of Benevento advanced on Napleswhich happened at the moment to have no bishop nor any officer of high rank in command of the garrison.
Gregory at once took the surprising step of appointing a tribune on his own authority to take command of the city Epp. No details of this peace have come down to us, but it seems certain that it was actually concluded Epp. Wholly ignoring the papal peace, he gathered all his troops, attacked and regained Perugiaand then marched to Romewhere he was received with imperial honors.
The next spring, however, he quitted the city and took away its garrison with him, so that both pope and citizens were now more exasperated against him than before. The siege of the city was soon abandoned, however, and Agilulf retired. The continuator of Prosper Mon. On Queen Theodelinde, a Catholic and a personal friend, Gregory placed all his hopes.
The exarch, however, looked at the whole affair in another light, and, when a whole year was passed in fruitless negotiations, Gregory began once again to meditate a private treaty. Accordingly, in May,the pope wrote to a friend at Ravenna a letter Epp. This threat was speedily reported to Constantinoplewhere the exarch was in high favor, and the Emperor Maurice at once sent off to Gregory a violent letter, now lost, accusing him of being both a traitor and a fool.
This letter Gregory received in June, It must be read in its entirety to be appreciated fully; probably very few emperors, if any, have ever received such a letter from a subject. Still, in spite of his scathing reply, Gregory seems to have realized that independent action could not secure what he wished, and we hear no more about a separate peace.
The new exarch, Callinicuswas a man of far greater ability and well disposed towards the pope, whose hopes now revived. The official peace negotiations were pushed on, and, in spite of delays, the articles were at length signed into Gregorys great joy. This peace lasted two years, but in the war broke out again through an aggressive. Whatever the theory may have been, there is no doubt about the fact that, besides his spiritual jurisdiction, Gregory actually exercised no small amount of temporal power.
On the other hand he exercised a great influence on Frankish monasticism, which he did much to strengthen and reshape, so that the work done by the monasteries in civilizing the wild Franks may be attributed ultimately to the first monk-pope.
The reign of Gregory the Great marks an epoch in papal history, and this is specially the case in respect of his attitude towards the imperial Government centered at Constantinople.
Gregory seems to have looked upon Church and State as cooperating to form a united whole, which acted in two distinct spheres, ecclesiastical and secular. Over this commonwealth were the pope and the emperor, each supreme in his own department, care being taken to keep these as far as possible distinct and independent.
This latter point was the difficulty. As supreme guardian of Christian justice, the pope was always ready to intercede for, or protect, anyone who suffered unjust treatment Epp. Still, in conjunction with all this deference, Gregory retained a spirit of independence which enabled him, when he considered it necessary, to address even the emperor in terms of startling directness.
Space makes it impossible to do more than refer to the famous letters to the Emperor Phocas on his usurpation, and the allusions in them to the murdered Emperor Maurice Epp. Every kind of judgment has been passed upon Gregory for writing these letters, but the question remains a difficult one.
It should be noted, also, that he avoids any direct flattery towards the new emperor, merely using the exaggerated phrases of respect then customary, and expressing the high hopes he entertains of the new regime. Moreover, his allusions to Maurice refer to the sufferings of the people under his government, and do not reflect on the dead emperor himself.
Had the empire been sound instead of in a hopelessly rotten state when Gregory became pope, It is hard to say how his views might have worked out in practice. As it was, his line of strong independence, his efficiency, and his courage carried all before them, and when he died there was no longer any question as to who was the first power in Italy.
Augustine of Canterbury. In justice to the great pope, however, it must be added that he lost no opportunity for the exercise of his missionary zeal, making every effort to root out paganism in Gaul, Donatism in Africaand the Schism of the Three Chapters in North Italy and Istria.
In his treatment of heretics, schismatics, and pagans his method was to try every means—persuasions, exhortations, threats before resorting to force; but, if gentler treatment failed, he had no hesitation, in accordance with the ideas of his age, in resorting to compulsion, and invoking the aid of the secular arm therein.
It is curious, therefore, to find him acting as a champion and protector of the Jews. He was equally strong, however, in preventing the Jews from exceeding the rights granted to them by the imperial law, especially with regard to the ownership by them of Christian slaves Epp. Although the first monk to become pope, Gregory was in no sense an original contributor to monastic ideals or practice. He took monasticism as he found it established by St.
Benedict, and his efforts and influence were given to strengthening and enforcing the prescriptions of that greatest of monastic legislators. His position did indeed tend to modify St. Rather he was himself convinced that the monastic system had a very special value for the Churchand so he did everything in his power to diffuse and propagate it. His own property was consecrated to this end, he urged many wealthy people to establish or support monasteries, and he used the revenues of the patrimony for the same purpose.
He was relentless in correcting abuses and enforcing discipline, the letters on such matters being far too numerous for mention here, and the points on which he insists most are precisely those, such as stability and poverty, on which St. Twice only do we find anything like direct legislation by the pope. The second is his lengthening of the period of novitiate. Benedict had prescribed at least one year Reg. More important was his line of action in the difficult question of the relation between monks and their bishop.
There is plenty of evidence to show that many bishops took advantage of their position to oppress and burden the monasteries in their diocese, with the result that the monks appealed to the pope for protection. Gregory, while always upholding the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishop, was firm in support of the monks against any illegal aggression.
Scholars agree that the melodic content of much Gregorian Chant did not exist in that form in Gregory I's day. In addition, it is known definitively that the familiar neumatic system for notating plainchant had not been established in his time. Gregorian chant appeared in a remarkably uniform state across Europe within a short time. Charlemagneonce elevated to Holy Roman Emperoraggressively spread Gregorian chant throughout his empire to consolidate religious and secular power, requiring the clergy to use the new repertory on pain of death.
The other plainchant repertories of the Christian West faced severe competition from the new Gregorian chant. Charlemagne continued his father's policy of favoring the Roman Rite over the local Gallican traditions.
By the 9th century the Gallican rite and chant had effectively been eliminated, although not without local resistance. Gregorian coexisted with Beneventan chant for over a century before Beneventan chant was abolished by papal decree Mozarabic chant survived the influx of the Visigoths and Moorsbut not the Roman-backed prelates newly installed in Spain during the Reconquista.
Restricted to a handful of dedicated chapels, modern Mozarabic chant is highly Gregorianized and bears no musical resemblance to its original form. Ambrosian chant alone survived to the present day, preserved in Milan due to the musical reputation and ecclesiastical authority of St. Gregorian chant eventually replaced the local chant tradition of Rome itself, which is now known as Old Roman chant. In the 10th century, virtually no musical manuscripts were being notated in Italy.
By the 12th and 13th centuries, Gregorian chant had supplanted or marginalized all the other Western plainchant traditions. Later sources of these other chant traditions show an increasing Gregorian influence, such as occasional efforts to categorize their chants into the Gregorian modes. Similarly, the Gregorian repertory incorporated elements of these lost plainchant traditions, which can be identified by careful stylistic and historical analysis.
For example, the Improperia of Good Friday are believed to be a remnant of the Gallican repertory. The first extant sources with musical notation were written around Graduale Laon. Before this, plainchant had been transmitted orally. Most scholars of Gregorian chant agree that the development of music notation assisted the dissemination of chant across Europe.
The earlier notated manuscripts are primarily from Regensburg in Germany, St. Gall in Switzerland, Laon and St. Martial in France. Gregorian chant has in its long history been subjected to a series of redactions to bring it up to changing contemporary tastes and practice. The more recent redaction undertaken in the Benedictine Abbey of St.
Pierre, Solesmes, has turned into a huge undertaking to restore the allegedly corrupted chant to a hypothetical "original" state. Early Gregorian chant was revised to conform to the theoretical structure of the modes.
In —63, the Council of Trent banned most sequences. Guidette's Directorium choripublished inand the Editio mediceapublished indrastically revised what was perceived as corrupt and flawed "barbarism" by making the chants conform to contemporary aesthetic standards. In the late 19th century, early liturgical and musical manuscripts were unearthed and edited.
Re-establishing the Divine Office was among his priorities, but no proper chantbooks existed. Many monks were sent out to libraries throughout Europe to find relevant Chant manuscripts. In their firm belief that they were on the right way, Solesmes increased its efforts. The monks of Solesmes brought in their heaviest artillery in this battle, as indeed the academically sound 'Paleo' was intended to be a war-tank, meant to abolish once and for all the corrupted Pustet edition. On the evidence of congruence throughout various manuscripts which were duly published in facsimile editions with ample editorial introductions Solesmes was able to work out a practical reconstruction.
His successor, Pope Pius Xpromptly accepted the Solesmes chant — now compiled as the Liber Usualis — as authoritative. Inthe Vatican edition of the Solesmes chant was commissioned. Serious academic debates arose, primarily owing to stylistic liberties taken by the Solesmes editors to impose their controversial interpretation of rhythm. The Solesmes editions insert phrasing marks and note-lengthening episema and mora marks not found in the original sources. Conversely, they omit significative letters found in the original sources, which give instructions for rhythm and articulation such as speeding up or slowing down.
These editorial practices have placed the historical authenticity of the Solesmes interpretation in doubt. Some favored a strict academic rigour and wanted to postpone publications, while others concentrated on practical matters and wanted to supplant the corrupted tradition as soon as possible. Roughly a century later, there still exists a breach between a strict musicological approach and the practical needs of church choirs. Thus the performance tradition officially promulgated since the onset of the Solesmes restoration is substantially at odds with musicological evidence.
In his motu proprio Tra le sollecitudiniPius X mandated the use of Gregorian chant, encouraging the faithful to sing the Ordinary of the Massalthough he reserved the singing of the Propers for males. While this custom is maintained in traditionalist Catholic communities most of which allow all-female scholas as well, thoughthe Catholic Church no longer persists with this ban. Vatican II officially allowed worshipers to substitute other music, particularly sacred polyphony, in place of Gregorian chant, although it did reaffirm that Gregorian chant was still the official music of the Roman Rite of the Catholic Church, and the music most suitable for worship in the Roman Liturgy.
Gregorian chant is, as 'chant' implies, vocal music. The text, the phrases, words and eventually the syllables, can be sung in various ways. The most straightforward is recitation on the same tone, which is called "syllabic" as each syllable is sung to a single tone.
Likewise, simple chants are often syllabic throughout with only a few instances where two or more notes are sung on one syllable. Melismatic chants are the most ornate chants in which elaborate melodies are sung on long sustained vowels as in the Alleluia, ranging from five or six notes per syllable to over sixty in the more prolix melismata. Gregorian chants fall into two broad categories of melody: recitatives and free melodies. Recitative melodies are dominated by a single pitch, called the reciting tone.
Other pitches appear in melodic formulae for incipitspartial cadencesand full cadences. These chants are primarily syllabic. For example, the Collect for Easter consists of syllables sung to pitches, with of these pitches being the reciting note A and the other 23 pitches flexing down to G. Psalmodic chants, which intone psalmsinclude both recitatives and free melodies. Psalmodic chants include direct psalmodyantiphonal chantsand responsorial chants. Most Dont Be Cruel - The Brotherhood Of St.
Gregory - Gregorian Chant - Elvis Presley (CD) chants are antiphonal and responsorial, sung to free melodies of varying complexity. Antiphonal chants such as the Introitand Communion originally referred to chants in which two choirs sang in alternation, one choir singing verses of a psalm, the other singing a refrain called an antiphon.
Over time, the verses were reduced in number, usually to just one psalm verse and the doxologyor even omitted entirely. Antiphonal chants reflect their ancient origins as elaborate recitatives through the reciting tones in their melodies. Ordinary chants, such as the Kyrie and Gloriaare not considered antiphonal chants, although they are often performed in antiphonal style.
Responsorial chants such as the GradualAlleluiaOffertoryand the Office Responsories originally consisted of a refrain called a respond sung by a choir, alternating with psalm verses sung by a soloist. Responsorial chants are often composed of an amalgamation of various stock musical phrases, pieced together in a practice called centonization. Tracts are melismatic settings of psalm verses and use frequent recurring cadences and they are strongly centonized.
Gregorian chant evolved to fulfill various functions in the Roman Catholic liturgy. Broadly speaking, liturgical recitatives are used for texts intoned by deacons or priests.
Antiphonal chants accompany liturgical actions: the entrance of the officiant, the collection of offerings, and the distribution of sanctified bread and wine. Responsorial chants expand on readings and lessons. The non-psalmodic chants, including the Ordinary of the Masssequencesand hymnswere originally intended for congregational singing.
In sequences, the same melodic phrase is repeated in each couplet. The strophic texts of hymns use the same syllabic melody for each stanza. Early plainchant, like much of Western music, is believed to have been distinguished by the use of the diatonic scale.
Modal theory, which postdates the composition of the core chant repertory, arises from a synthesis of two very different traditions: the speculative tradition of numerical ratios and species inherited from ancient Greece and a second tradition rooted in the practical art of cantus. The earliest writings that deal with both theory and practice include the Enchiriadis group of treatises, which circulated in the late ninth century and possibly have their roots in an earlier, oral tradition.
In contrast to the ancient Greek system of tetrachords a collection of four continuous notes that descend by two tones and a semitone, the Enchiriadis writings base their tone-system on a tetrachord that corresponds to the four finals of chant, D, E, F, and G.
The disjunct tetrachords in the Enchiriadis system have been the subject of much speculation, because they do not correspond to the diatonic framework that became the standard Medieval scale for example, there is a high Fa note not Dont Be Cruel - The Brotherhood Of St. Gregory - Gregorian Chant - Elvis Presley (CD) by later Medieval writers. These were the first steps in forging a theoretical tradition that corresponded to chant.
AroundGuido d'Arezzo revolutionized Western music with the development of the gamutin which pitches in the singing range were organized into overlapping hexachords.
The B-flat was an integral part of the system of hexachords rather than an accidental. The use of notes outside of this collection was described as musica ficta. Gregorian chant was categorized into eight modesinfluenced by the eightfold division of Byzantine chants called the oktoechos. The final is the ending note, which is usually an important note in the overall structure of the melody. The dominant is a secondary pitch that usually serves as a reciting tone in the melody.
Ambitus refers to the range of pitches used in the melody. Melodies whose final is in the middle of the ambitus, or which have only a limited ambitus, are categorized as plagalwhile melodies whose final is in the lower end of the ambitus and have a range of over five or six notes are categorized as authentic.
Although corresponding plagal and authentic modes have the same final, they have different dominants. In the Roman Chantbooks the modes are indicated by Roman numerals. Although the modes with melodies ending on A, B, and C are sometimes referred to as AeolianLocrianand Ionianthese are not considered distinct modes and are treated as transpositions of whichever mode uses the same set of hexachords.
The actual pitch of the Gregorian chant is not fixed, so the piece can be sung in whichever range is most comfortable. Certain classes of Gregorian chant have a separate musical formula for each mode, allowing one section of the chant to transition smoothly into the next section, such as the psalm verses that are sung between the repetition of antiphons, or the Gloria Patri.
Thus we find models for the recitation of psalmverses, Alleluia and Gloria Patri for all eight modes. Not every Gregorian chant fits neatly into Guido's hexachords or into the system of eight modes.
For example, there are chants — especially from German sources — whose neumes suggest a warbling of pitches between the notes E and F, outside the hexachord system, or in other words, employing a form of chromatism. Using Psalm Tone i with an antiphon in Mode 1 makes for a smooth transition between the end of the antiphon and the intonation of the tone, and the ending of the tone can then be chosen to provide a smooth transition back to the antiphon.
As the modal system gained acceptance, Gregorian chants were edited to conform to the modes, especially during 12th-century Cistercian reforms. Finals were altered, melodic ranges reduced, melismata trimmed, B-flats eliminated, and repeated words removed. For example, in four medieval manuscripts, the Communion Circuibo was transcribed using a different mode in each.
Several features besides modality contribute to the musical idiom of Gregorian chant, giving Dont Be Cruel - The Brotherhood Of St. Gregory - Gregorian Chant - Elvis Presley (CD) a distinctive musical flavor. Melodic motion is primarily stepwise. Skips of a third are common, and larger skips far more common than in other plainchant repertories such as Ambrosian chant or Beneventan chant.
Gregorian melodies are more likely to traverse a seventh than a full octave, so that melodies rarely travel from D up to the D an octave higher, but often travel from D to the C a seventh higher, using such patterns as D-F-G-A-C. Chants often display complex internal structures that combine and repeat musical subphrases.
This occurs notably in the Offertories ; in chants with shorter, repeating texts such as the Kyrie and Agnus Dei ; and in longer chants with clear textual divisions such as the Great Responsories, the Gloriaand the Credo. Chants sometimes fall into melodically related groups. The musical phrases centonized to create Graduals and Tracts follow a musical "grammar" of sorts. Certain phrases are used only at the beginnings of chants, or only at the end, or only in certain combinations, creating musical families of chants such as the Iustus ut palma family of Graduals.
The earliest notated sources of Gregorian chant written ca. A sort of musical stenography that seems to focus on gestures and tone-movements but not the specific pitches of individual notes, nor the relative starting pitches of each neume. Given the fact that Chant was learned in an oral tradition in which the texts and melodies were sung from memory, this was obviously not necessary. The neumatic manuscripts display great sophistication and precision in notation and a wealth of graphic signs to indicate the musical gesture and proper pronunciation of the text.
Scholars postulate that this practice may have been derived from cheironomic hand-gestures, the ekphonetic notation of Byzantine chantpunctuation marks, or diacritical accents. Consistent relative heightening first developed in the Aquitaine region, particularly at St. Martial de Limogesin the first half of the eleventh century. Many German-speaking areas, however, continued to use unpitched neumes into the twelfth century.
Additional symbols developed, such as the custosplaced at the end of a system to show the next pitch. Other symbols indicated changes in articulation, duration, or tempo, such as a letter "t" to indicate a tenuto. Another form of early notation used a system of letters corresponding to different pitches, much as Shaker music is notated. By the 13th century, the neumes of Gregorian chant were usually written in square notation on a four-line staff with a clef, as in the Graduale Aboense pictured above.
In square notation, small groups of ascending notes on a syllable are shown as stacked squares, read from bottom to top, while descending notes are written with diamonds read from left to right. When a syllable has a large number of notes, a series of smaller such groups of neumes are written in succession, read from left to right.
The oriscusquilismaand liquescent neumes indicate special vocal treatments, that have been largely neglected due to uncertainty as to how to sing them. B-flat is indicated by a "b-mollum" Lat. When necessary, a "b-durum" Lat. This system of square notation is standard in modern chantbooks. Gregorian chant was originally used for singing the Office by male and female religious and for singing the parts of the Mass pertaining to the lay faithful male and femalethe celebrant priest, always male and the choir composed of male ordained clergy, except in convents.
Outside the larger cities, the number of available clergy dropped, and lay men started singing these parts. The choir was considered an official liturgical duty reserved to clergy, so women were not allowed to sing in the Schola Cantorum or other choirs except in convents where women were permitted to sing the Office and the parts of the Mass pertaining to the choir as a function of their consecrated life.
Chant was normally sung in unison. Later innovations included tropeswhich is a new text sung to the same melodic phrases in a melismatic chant repeating an entire Alleluia-melody on a new text for instance, or repeating a full phrase with a new text that comments on the previously sung text and various forms of organumimprovised harmonic embellishment of chant melodies focusing on octaves, fifths, fourths, and, later, thirds.
Neither tropes nor organum, however, belong to the chant repertory proper. The main exception to this is the sequence, whose origins lay in troping the extended melisma of Alleluia chants known as the jubilusbut the sequences, like the tropes, were later officially suppressed.
Not much is known about the particular vocal stylings or performance practices used for Gregorian chant in the Middle Ages. On occasion, the clergy was urged to have their singers perform with more restraint and piety.
This suggests that virtuosic performances occurred, contrary to the modern stereotype of Gregorian chant as slow-moving mood music. This tension between musicality and piety goes far back; Gregory the Great himself criticized the practice of promoting clerics based on their charming singing rather than their preaching. For in these [Offertories and Communions] there are the most varied kinds of ascent, descent, repeat True antiphonal performance by two alternating choruses still occurs, as in certain German monasteries.
However, antiphonal chants are generally performed in responsorial style by a solo cantor alternating with a chorus. This practice appears to have begun in the Middle Ages. This innovation allowed the soloist to fix the pitch of the chant for the chorus and to cue the choral entrance. Given the oral teaching tradition of Gregorian chant, modern reconstruction of intended rhythm from the written notation of Gregorian chant has always been a source of debate among modern scholars.
To complicate matters further, many ornamental neumes used in the earliest manuscripts pose difficulties on the interpretation of rhythm. Certain neumes such as the pressuspes quassus, strophic neumes may indicate repeated notes, lengthening by repercussion, in some cases with added ornaments.
By the 13th century, with the widespread use of square notation, most chant was sung with an approximately equal duration allotted to each note, although Jerome of Moravia cites exceptions in which certain notes, such as the final notes of a chant, are lengthened. While the standard repertory of Gregorian Chant was partly being supplanted with new forms of polyphony, the earlier melo-rhythmic refinements of monophonic chant seem to fall into disuse.
Later redactions such as the Editio medicaea of rewrote chant so that melismata, with their melodic accent, fell on accented syllables. One school of thought, including Wagner, Jammers, and Lipphardt, advocated imposing rhythmic meters on chants, although they disagreed on how that should be done.
An opposing interpretation, represented by Pothier and Mocquereau, supported a free rhythm of equal note values, although some notes are lengthened for textual emphasis or musical effect.
The modern Solesmes editions of Gregorian chant follow this interpretation. Mocquereau divided melodies into two- and three-note phrases, each beginning with an ictusakin to a beat, notated in chantbooks as a small vertical mark.
These basic melodic units combined into larger phrases through a complex system expressed by cheironomic hand-gestures. Common modern practice favors performing Gregorian chant with no beat or regular metric accent, largely for aesthetic reasons. The note lengthenings recommended by the Solesmes school remain influential, though not prescriptive. Dom Eugene Cardine, — monk from Solesmes, published his 'Semiologie Gregorienne' in in which he clearly explains the musical significance of the neumes of the early chant manuscripts.
Cardine shows the great diversity of neumes and graphic variations of the basic shape of a particular neume, which can not be expressed in the square notation. This variety in notation must have served a practical purpose and therefore a musical significance. Nine years later, the Graduale Triplex was published, in which the Roman Gradual, containing all the chants for Mass in a Year's cycle, appeared with the neumes of the two most important manuscripts copied under and over the 4-line staff of the square notation.
The Graduale Triplex made widely accessible the original notation of Sankt Gallen and Laon compiled after AD in a single chantbook and was a huge step forward. Dom Cardine had many students who have each in their own way continued Dont Be Cruel - The Brotherhood Of St.
Gregory - Gregorian Chant - Elvis Presley (CD) semiological studies, some of whom also started experimenting in applying the newly understood principles in performance practice. Schweitzer to name a few have clearly demonstrated that rhythm in Gregorian chant as notated in the 10th century rhythmic manuscripts notably Sankt Gallen and Laon manifest such rhythmic diversity and melodic — rhythmic ornamentations for which there is hardly a living performance tradition in the Western world.
Contemporary groups that endeavour to sing according to the manuscript traditions have evolved after Some practising researchers favour a closer look at non-Western liturgical traditions, in such cultures where the tradition of modal monophony was never abandoned.
Another group with different views are the mensuralists or the proportionalists, who maintain that rhythm has to be interpreted proportionately, where shorts are exactly half the longs. This school of interpretation claims the support of historical authorities such as St Augustine, Remigius, Guido and Aribo.
Recent research in the Netherlands by Dr. Dirk van Kampen has indicated that the authentic rhythm of Gregorian chant in the 10th century includes both proportional elements and elements that are in agreement with semiology.
Beside the length of the syllables measured in tenths of secondseach text syllable was evaluated in terms of its position within the word to which it belongs, defining such variables as "the syllable has or has not the main accent", "the syllable is or is not at the end of a word", etc. To distinguish short and long notes, tables were consulted that were established by Van Kampen in an unpublished comparative study regarding the neume notations according to Sankt Gallen and Laon codices.
With some exceptions, these tables confirm the short vs. The lengths of the neumes were given values by adding up the duration values for the separate neume elements, each time following a particular hypothesis concerning the rhythm of Gregoriant chant. Both the syllable lengths and the neume lengths were also expressed in relation to the total duration of the syllables, resp.
Correlating the various word and neume variables, substantial correlations were found for the word variables 'accented syllable' and 'contextual syllable duration'.
Moreover, it could be established that the multiple correlation R between the two types of variables reaches its maximum R is about 0. The distinction between the first two rules and the latter rule can also be found in early treatises on music, introducing the terms metrum and rhythmus. During the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries in France, the system of rhythmic notation became standardized, with printers and editors of chant books employing only four rhythmic values.
Recent research by Christopher Holman indicates that chants whose texts are in a regular meter could even be altered to be performed in Time signatures. Recent developments involve an intensifying of the semiological approach according to Dom Cardine, which also gave a new impetus to the research into melodic variants in various manuscripts of chant.
On the basis of this ongoing research it has become obvious that the Graduale and other chantbooks contain many melodic errors, some very consistently, the mis-interpretation of third and eighth mode necessitating a new edition of the Graduale according to state-of-the-art melodic restitutions. Vatican Council Constitution "Sacrosanctum Concilium". In this approach the so-called earlier 'rhythmic' manuscripts of unheightened neumes that carry a wealth of melo-rhythmic information but not of exact pitches, are compared in large tables of comparison with relevant later 'melodic' manuscripts' that are written on lines or use double alphabetic and neumes notation over the text, but as a rule have less rhythmic refinement compared to the earlier group.
However, the comparison between the two groups has made it possible to correct what are obvious mistakes. In other instances it is not so easy to find a consensus. In Chris Hakkennes published his own transcription of the Graduale Triplex. He devised a new graphic adaptation of square notation 'simplex' in which he integrated the rhythmic indications of the two most relevant sources, that of Laon and Sankt Gallen.
Referring to these manuscripts, he called his own transcription Gradual Lagal. Furthermore, while making the transcription, he cross-checked with the melodic manuscripts to correct modal errors or other melodic errors found in the Graduale Romanum. His intention was to provide a corrected melody in rhythmic notation but above all — he was also a choirmaster — suited for practical use, therefore a simplex, integrated notation.
Although fully admitting the importance of Hakkennes' melodic revisions, the rhythmical solution suggested in the Graduale Lagal was actually found by Van Kampen see above to be rather modestly related to the text of the chant.
Gregorian chant is sung in the Office during the canonical hours and in the liturgy of the Mass. Texts known as accentus are intoned by bishops, priests, and deacons, mostly on a single reciting tone with simple melodic formulae at certain places in each sentence. More complex chants are sung by trained soloists and choirs. The Graduale Romanum contains the proper chants of the Mass i. The Liber usualis contains the chants for the Graduale Romanum and the most commonly used Office chants.
Introits cover the procession of the officiants. Introits are antiphonal chants, typically consisting of an antiphon, a psalm verse, a repeat of the antiphon, an intonation of the Gloria Patri Doxologyand a final repeat of the antiphon. Reciting tones often dominate their melodic structures. Graduals are responsorial chants that follow the reading of the Epistle. Graduals usually result from centonization ; stock musical phrases are assembled like a patchwork to create the full melody of the chant, creating families of musically related melodies.
Graduals are accompanied by an elaborate Verse, so that it actually consists in two different parts, A B. Often the first part is sung again, creating a 'rondeau' A B A.
At least the verse, if not the complete gradual, is for the solo cantor and are in elaborate, ornate style with long, wide-ranged melismata. The Alleluia is known for the jubilusan extended joyful melisma on the last vowel of 'Alleluia'. The Alleluia is also in two parts, the alleluia proper and the psalmverse, by which the Alleluia is identified Alleluia V.
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